Why Are There no Roman Villas in North Wales?

Caernarfon, North Wales, with the ruins of Segontium among the trees.

On the face of it, the mechanics of Romanization seem relatively simple. You roll up among the trouser-wearing unwashed, bash them over the head until they start wearing togas, throw up some baths and the odd temple, and then scurry on to the next target, leaving the slightly bewildered locals in charge behind you.

This is, naturally, a very simplistic viewpoint and fails to take into account some interesting points. By the time the Romans had considered the whole of Britain 'subdued', it is obvious from the archaeology that there were large areas of the country that went relatively untouched by the dubious benefits of the Pax Romana. The north, beyond Hadrian's Wall, is the most obvious example, as is what the Romans referred to as the 'south' and what we would refer to as Cornwall, as well as parts of Wales and regions of the north-west of England.

It would be easy to simply say that these were areas that the Romans weren't particularly interested in subduing. 'Civilising' the locals was an expensive business, so unless there seemed enough of a benefit to doing so, and as long as the locals could be counted on to behave themselves, then sweeping in, beating everyone up, and then building cities as you went was often more trouble than it was worth.

But it also raises the question of how much of the process of Romanization relied on a willingness of both sides, conqueror and conquered, to engage in the cultural exchange that Romanisation required. Rather than simply looking at the expansion of the Roman world as a Blitzkrieg rush to swallow up land and people, even though sometimes that model is very apt, the absence of Roman influence in some areas and its presence in others suggests something more subtle.

In Wales, the cultural divide between the north and the south of the country is quite abrupt. In the south, there were two main tribes, the Demetae and the Silures, the first of which appeared to have accepted Roman influence quite calmly. There's not much evidence to suggest that the incoming culture was 'forced' on them at all, and one could speculate that they adapted to it quite enthusiastically, ending up with a nice market town, Moridunum (modern-day Carmarthen) as a result. The Silures, on the other hand, put up a famous fight and, as Tacitus recorded, "non atrocitate, non clementia mutabatur..." (neither crulety nor clemency could change them (Tacitus, Annals, 12.32)).

In the end, the Romans always got their man, and the Silures bent the knee, either by way of a good, stiff bashing or by diplomacy. They then heartily embraced the Roman way of life and ended up with their own splendid market town, the ruins of which are still visible at Caerwent. The south also has a number of villa sites, especially on the more fertile areas of ground, and the military presence in the area can largely, but not exclusively, be put down to guarding the transport of people and goods from brigands and maintaining the Pax Romana. There is also evidence of Roman mining in the south, most notably the gold mines at Dolaucothi, which were still being exploited in the 20th Century and where you can try your hand at panning for gold yourself to this day.

This paints a picture of a vibrant economy that leads to, eventually, a peaceful and rather bucolic landscape of happy Romanisation. Some of them seemed more than willing to be Romanised, and some took a little more persuading, but eventually, both the locals and the Romans seemed willing to make a deal.

The north, however, paints a very different picture. Again, there is evidence of the Romans exploiting the natural resources of the area - the cavalry base at Tomen y Mur was likely there to intimidate the locals and protect local mining operations - and there is a well-established road system linking a series of military sites, culminating at the grand base of Segontium in modern-day Caernarfon. But there are no towns outside of the civilian settlements that sprung up at the gates of auxiliary forts (a vicus), no villas or other examples of specifically Roman settlement.

So, the Romans are in the north for a few reasons, one of which must have been that they deemed it to be of financial benefit to the system. There is also a local population that needs to be 'subdued' by the presence of so many exclusively military sites, so there are plenty of Britons knocking about who could be Romanised.

So why didn't they Romanise them? Why didn't they crush them, as they had the Silures? The area was militarily subdued, so why didn't the cultural tsunami sweep over North Wales as it had in South Wales?

A Roman villa is typically understood as a rural building complex that served both residential and economic functions. Architecturally, villas were often elaborate structures featuring amenities such as hypocaust heating, mosaic floors, and bathhouses, reflecting the wealth and status of their owners (Smith, 1997). Economically, villas were centres of agricultural production, often managing large estates that produced goods for local consumption and trade (Percival, 1976). Socially, villas were symbols of Romanisation, showcasing the adoption of Roman culture and lifestyle by the local elite (Millett, 1990).

The presence of villas in Roman Britain is often associated with areas of significant Roman influence and economic activity, such as the fertile lowlands of southern England. In contrast, regions with a stronger military presence or less economic potential, such as North Wales, show a different pattern of Roman occupation.

The archaeological record of Roman civilian occupation in North Wales is sparse compared to other regions of Roman Britain. The most prominent civilian settlements in the region are the vici, or civilian settlements, that developed around military forts. These vici typically housed the families of soldiers, traders, and other civilians who provided services to the military community (Burnham & Davies, 2010).

One notable example is the vicus at Segontium, which served the nearby fort. Excavations at Segontium have revealed evidence of civilian structures, including shops and workshops, but no signs of a villa or any other form of elite residential architecture (Casey, 1993). Similarly, at Canovium (modern Caerhun), the vicus shows evidence of civilian activity, but again, there is no indication of a villa (Jarrett, 1994).

The absence of villas in North Wales is further underscored by the lack of mosaic floors, hypocaust systems, and other architectural features commonly associated with Roman villas.

The premise that there are no Roman villas in North Wales appears to be accurate based on the current archaeological evidence. While there are some rural settlements that show signs of Roman influence, none of these can be classified as villas in the traditional sense. For example, the settlement at Trefnant, near Denbigh, has yielded some Roman artefacts, but the structures are modest and lack the architectural sophistication of a villa (Davies, 2009). These are Romano-British sites which are developing in their own cultural context rather than being specifically Roman ideas parachuted into a local population.

It is possible that future archaeological discoveries could reveal villa sites in North Wales, but for now, the evidence suggests that the region was not a focus for villa construction.

The Roman military presence in North Wales was significant, with a network of forts and roads designed to control the region and exploit its resources. The primary purpose of these military sites was to subdue the local population, particularly the Ordovices and Deceangli tribes, who were known for their resistance to Roman rule (Mattingly, 2006).

One of the key military sites in North Wales is Segontium, which was established in AD 77 and served as a strategic base for controlling the Menai Strait and the island of Anglesey (Casey, 1993). Another important fort is Deva Victrix (modern Chester), which, although located just outside North Wales, played a crucial role in the military administration of the region (Mason, 2001).

The military presence in North Wales was also linked to the exploitation of natural resources, particularly minerals. The region was known for its deposits of copper and lead, which were mined under Roman supervision (Jones & Mattingly, 1990). The extraction of these resources required a strong military presence to ensure the security of the mines and the transportation of goods.

The relationship between military and civilian sites in North Wales was primarily one of dependency. The vici that developed around the forts were reliant on the military for their economic survival, and there is little evidence of independent civilian activity. This contrasts with other parts of Roman Britain, where civilian settlements often developed independently of military sites and supported a more diverse economy.

The absence of civic centres and villas in North Wales can be attributed to several factors, including geography, local resistance, economic priorities, and Roman administrative strategies.

Geographically, North Wales is characterised by rugged terrain and a relatively harsh climate, which would have made large-scale agricultural production difficult. Unlike the fertile lowlands of southern England, North Wales did not offer the same economic incentives for villa construction (Davies, 2009).

Local resistance to Roman rule also played a significant role. The Ordovices and Deceangli tribes were known for their fierce independence, and the Roman military presence in the region was primarily focused on maintaining control rather than promoting civilian development (Mattingly, 2006). This military focus likely discouraged the establishment of civilian centres and villas, as the region was seen more as a frontier zone than a settled province.

Economically, North Wales was not a priority for Roman investment. While the region's mineral resources were valuable, they were extracted primarily for the benefit of the Roman state rather than for local development (Jones & Mattingly, 1990). The lack of economic incentives for villa construction, combined with the region's marginal agricultural potential, meant that North Wales remained a peripheral area within Roman Britain.

The region was part of the broader frontier zone that included northern England and southern Scotland, and the Roman authorities were more concerned with maintaining security than with promoting Romanisation (Millett, 1990). The construction of watchtowers along the North Wales coast suggested that the area was subject to pirate raids, particularly from the unruly mob across the Irish Sea. This strategic focus likely contributed to the absence of civic centres and villas in North Wales.

However, it does raise the question of how much the Romanisation process relied on the willingness of both parties to engage in it. If the Ordovices and Deceangali were that much of a threat to the Romans, why didn't they simply beat them into submission, either militarily or diplomatically, as they had the Silures? That might be answered by priorities, of course, because as soon as Julius Agricola had finished 'subduing' the north, he moved on rather quickly to other matters in what is now Scotland. Perhaps, then, it was simply easier to garrison than overwhelm.

But it also might suggest that not only did the Ordovices and Deceangali have absolutely no interest in adopting Roman ways, but also that the Romans had no interest in making them do so. As long as they behaved themselves, then the Romans would just let them get on with it. In the south, both the Demetae and the Silures ultimately threw themselves rather enthusiastically into the Roman system. This idea can be extrapolated to other areas of Britain where the Romans didn't seem particularly interested in making the locals put on togas and have central heating, such as Scotland, Cornwall and the north-west of England.

It's also interesting to note that these are the areas of Britain where, to various degrees of success, the 'Celtic' languages that developed from Brittonic went on to develop in the post-Roman period. The 'Gaelic' language in Scotland came much later, but the Picts were Brittonic-speaking people, just like the Cornish, Welsh, Cumbric, and Bretons.

It is often said that these languages developed in these areas of Britain because these were the extremities of the country to which the locals were driven by invading Roman (and later Anglo-Saxon) forces. However, they might instead be the areas of the country where the Romans left the locals alone, and the locals had no interest in changing.

Even today in Wales, the divide between the percentage of those who speak Welsh in the north of the country and those in the south is quite marked. In Gwynedd, in the north, 64.4% of the population speak Welsh. In Torfaen, in the south, it is 8.2% (Office for National Statistics [ONS], 2023).

The geographical spread of native languages across the UK might then be less a result of invasion and more to do with a series of fiercely independent local populations taking one look at the Romans and their new-fangled ways and saying that, on reflection, they were quite happy to stick with the trousers, thank you very much.

Either way, as Wales is a bilingual country, may I wish you all a very happy St. David's Day - Dydd Gŵyl Dewi hapus iawn!

References and Further Reading

Burnham, B. C., & Davies, J. L. (2010). Roman Frontiers in Wales and the Marches. Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales.

Casey, P. J. (1993). The End of Roman Britain. Batsford.

Davies, J. L. (2009). The Land of Boudica: Prehistoric and Roman Norfolk. Oxford University Press.

Jarrett, M. G. (1994). Early Roman Campaigns in Wales. University of Wales Press.

Jones, B., & Mattingly, D. (1990). An Atlas of Roman Britain. Blackwell.

Mattingly, D. (2006). An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire, 54 BC - AD 409. Penguin.

Mason, D. J. P. (2001). Roman Chester: City of the Eagles. Tempus.

Millett, M. (1990). The Romanization of Britain: An Essay in Archaeological Interpretation. Cambridge University Press.

Percival, J. (1976). The Roman Villa: A Historical Introduction. Batsford.

Smith, J. T. (1997). Roman Villas: A Study in Social Structure. Routledge.

Tacitus, Annals.

Office for National Statistics. (2023, January 31). Language, England and Wales: Census 2021. Office for National Statistics.

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